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Thursday, September 21

  1. page Japanese and Chinese relationship today edited ... On September 29, 1972, Japan normalised diplomatic relations with China. It has now been forty…
    ...
    On September 29, 1972, Japan normalised diplomatic relations with China. It has now been forty-five years since that milestone and bilateral relations have seen some colossal changes. Over the years, documents have been prepared to accommodate those changes: the China-Japan Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1978, the China-Japan Joint Declaration of 1998, and the China-Japan Joint Statement on Comprehensive Promotion of a "Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests, " which was issued in 2008. Together with the China-Japan Joint statement of 1972, these constitute the so-called four basic documents of Sino-Japanese relations. Adding to them is the four-point consensus recently agreed between Shinzo Abe and Xi Jinping administrations [governments], another document seen as outlining the basic provisions for diplomatic ties between China and Japan.
    Diplomatic relations between the two Asian powers have changed markedly over the course of the past 45 years. For one thing, the point in 2010 when China's GPD exceeded that of Japan was surely a development of significant moment. Although Japan's GDP per capital still exceeds that of China, there is clearly a limit to the growth of Japan's economic power, and the difference in per capita GDP between China and Japan will continue to shrink for the foreseeable future. This has given the impression of a shift in the balance of power between the two countries.
    ...there have been changes in the domestic situations and inter-societal relations between the two countries. At the time of the normalisation of China-Japan relations in 1972, even acknowledging that the limits of Japan's rapid economic growth was becoming apparent, Japanese society was still enjoying robust economic development, and the general ideology of Japanese intellectuals was either leftist or liberal.
    Feelings towards China were rather positive, and in fact reached their highest point during the 1980's. Today, however, values in Japanese society have greatly diversified, and social thinking has become quite conservative in comparison with the past.
    ...In China these changes may be even more marked. In 1972, China was in the midst of its Cultural Revolution. Why was it necessary for China to approach the capitalist United States, or to normalise diplomatic relations with Japan? By presenting policies and persuading the public, the state and Communist Party were able to conduct a foreign policy that differed in logic from its domestic policies.
    In modern day Chinese society, however, with its increasing wealth and improving quality of life, the views of Chinese people have rapidly diversified and the relationship between the state and society has changed. It can be said that society has ceased to function based solely on state and party policies. Conversely, one could argue that state and party propaganda actually have too much influence over the people - even more than intended - and that they are limiting the range of choices available to the state and/or party with regard to foreign policy.
    ...although China and Japan have built a tight economic relationship, they have an essentially confrontational dynamic in the security domain. this is a phenomenon that is distinctly East Asian in character. That is to say that, even after the end of the Cold War, nothing reminiscent of the expansion of NATO in Europe has taken place in this region.
    ...In the present day, history, territorial issues and the sovereignty of Taiwan are the three greatest concerns between China and Japan.

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  2. page Japanese and Chinese relationship today edited ... The Most Dangerous Problem in Asia: China-Japan Relations China and Japan have a thousand yea…
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    The Most Dangerous Problem in Asia: China-Japan Relations
    China and Japan have a thousand year history of fighting each other. What if that pattern repeats itself?
    ...
    and India?
    Is a more urgent issue China's ongoing clashes with the other competing parties in the South China Sea and the potential that this might lead to direct conflict with the United States? ...
    the area most strewn with competing, and frankly incompatible, visions for the region - is found in the relationship between China and Japan. It is this relationship that poses the most worrying problems for the future.
    ...
    21st century?
    ...We know one the main sources of this recent ill feeling on the Chinese side - the continuing anger over what is seen as Japanese unwillingness to confront their history of aggression in World War II. For Japan, where the vast majority of its people were born long after the tragic events of eight decades ago, however, this persistence by China for greater, continuing penance has clearly started to grate. Japanese irritation toward the Chinese is more recent, and stems from the ways in which former prime ministers from the early 1970's onward into the 1980's made a clear strategic decision tyo engage and work with China in its modernization process but received a poor return for it. 70% of Japanese foreign aid went to China in the 1980's.
    ...
    Japan's interests.
    This information is from The Diplomat, September 11, 2017.
    ...
    in 2008. Together with the China-Japan Joint statement of 1972, these constitute the so-called four basic documents of Sino-Japanese relations. Adding to them is the four-point consensus recently agreed between Shinzo Abe and Xi Jinping administrations [governments], another document seen as outlining the basic provisions for diplomatic ties between China and Japan.
    Diplomatic relations between the two Asian powers have changed markedly over the course of the past 45 years. For one thing, the point in 2010 when China's GPD exceeded that of Japan was surely a development of significant moment. Although Japan's GDP per capital still exceeds that of China, there is clearly a limit to the growth of Japan's economic power, and the difference in per capita GDP between China and Japan will continue to shrink for the foreseeable future. This has given the impression of a shift in the balance of power between the two countries.

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  3. page Japanese and Chinese relationship today edited ... 31, 2016 The Most Dangerous Problem in Asia: China-Japan Relations ... fighting each …
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    31, 2016
    The Most Dangerous Problem in Asia: China-Japan Relations
    ...
    fighting each othet.other. What if thethat pattern repeats itself?
    What is the most worrying relationship in Asia today? Where is there the greatest potential for the most destructive conflict? Would it be from North Korea, with its burgeoning and almost incessant nuclearisation program, perhaps, or the ongoing tensions between Pakistan and India?
    Is a more urgent issue China's ongoing clashes with the other competing parties in the South China Sea and the potential that this might lead to direct conflict with the United States? ...
    the area most strewn with competing, and frankly incompatible, visions for the region - is found in the relationship between China and Japan. It is this relationship that poses the most worrying problems for the future.
    ...we can boil the Sino-Japanese conundrum the world and the Asian region have to sort out down to one simple question: in view of their inability to harmoniously exist side by side for the last millenia or so, can we really see ways in which a strong China and a strong Japan manage to exist alongside each other without conflict in the 21st century?
    ...We know one the main sources of this recent ill feeling on the Chinese side - the continuing anger over what is seen as Japanese unwillingness to confront their history of aggression in World War II. For Japan, where the vast majority of its people were born long after the tragic events of eight decades ago, however, this persistence by China for greater, continuing penance has clearly started to grate. Japanese irritation toward the Chinese is more recent, and stems from the ways in which former prime ministers from the early 1970's onward into the 1980's made a clear strategic decision tyo engage and work with China in its modernization process but received a poor return for it. 70% of Japanese foreign aid went to China in the 1980's.
    ...the whole gamble of engagement with China is starting to look like it was a mistake. their neighbour has not changed politcally, nor has it developed grateful or friendly feelings towards Japan. On the contrary, it has come increasingly to look like Japan's worst nightmare -a strong, Communist led one party state, angry and harbouring revengeful sentiments toward Tokuyo. Most worrying of all, China is now building up naval military assets that look increasingly like they are pointed directly at Japan's interests.
    This information is from The Diplomat, September 11, 2017.
    On September 29, 1972, Japan normalised diplomatic relations with China. It has now been forty-five years since that milestone and bilateral relations have seen some colossal changes. Over the years, documents have been prepared to accommodate those changes: the China-Japan Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1978, the China-Japan Joint Declaration of 1998, and the China-Japan Joint Statement on Comprehensive Promotion of a "Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests, " which was issued in 2008.

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    5:02 pm
  4. page Japanese and Chinese relationship today edited ... 31, 2016 The Most Dangerous Problem in Asia: China-Japan Relations China and Japan have a…
    ...
    31, 2016
    The Most Dangerous Problem in Asia: China-Japan Relations
    China and Japan have a thousand year history of fighting each othet. What if the pattern repeats itself?

    (view changes)
    4:33 pm
  5. page Japanese and Chinese relationship today edited This information is from The Diplomat, August 31, 2016
    This information is from The Diplomat, August 31, 2016
    (view changes)
    4:31 pm

Wednesday, September 20

  1. page Primary Source Newspapers and Nanking edited https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/new-zealand-herald/1937/12/13/11?large_image=true# {N…
    https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/new-zealand-herald/1937/12/13/11?large_image=true#
    {NZH19371213.1.11.pdf}
    THE NANKING MASSACRE
    DECEMBER 1937
    {https://thenanjingmassacre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/nanking_postcard_march.png?w=690} Japanese Propaganda
    JAPANESE PROPAGANDA
    Media Blackout
    {https://thenanjingmassacre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/newspaper01.jpg?w=640} "The day to complete the conquest of the walled city of Nanking" Tokyo Nichi Nichi newspaper evening edition on December 14, 1937.
    “The day to complete the conquest of the walled city of Nanking” Tokyo Nichi Nichi newspaper evening edition on December 14, 1937.
    “We heard yesterday that the Japanese News Agency, Domei, reported the population returning to their homes, business going on as usual and the population welcoming their Japanese visitors, or words to that effect,” wrote one of the missionaries in the Nanking Safety Zone, Robert Wilson, in his diary on December 21, 1937.
    “If that is all the news that is going out of the city it is due for a big shake up when the real news breaks.” [120]
    Throughout the Sino-Japanese War, the Imperial Army imposed a strict media blackout.
    Article 12 of their censorship guideline for newspapers issued in September 1937 stated any news article or photograph “unfavorable” to the Army was subject to a gag.
    The 13th Article affirmed that reports and photos concerning arrests or interrogations of Chinese soldiers and civilians that would give “an impression of torture” wouldn’t be approved.
    The 14th prohibited any “photographs of atrocities” but endorsed reports about the “cruelty of Chinese” soldiers and civilians. [121]
    As a result, although there were more than 100 journalists from Japan for the first week of the Japanese occupation of Nanking, stories of the brutal conduct by their countrymen never reached the Japanese general public at the time.
    It was not until Wilson testified before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East in Tokyo on July 26, 1946, that the Nanking Atrocities made newspaper headlines. [122]
    Without knowing about international condemnations, people in Japan celebrated the defeat of their enemy country’s capital nationwide with the press setting off the jubilant atmosphere by such headlines as “Banzai on the summit of Purple Mountain!” “Two great functions commemorating the victory to be held by Tokyo Asahi newspaper,” and “Nanking entirely conquered: Historical grand ceremony three days ahead in the walled city.” [123]
    Propagation of Positive Images
    {https://thenanjingmassacre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/propaganda003.jpg?w=640} Japanese troops giving out cigarettes to Chinese prisoners of war.
    Japanese troops giving out cigarettes to Chinese prisoners of war.
    The Japanese Army not only censored the news reports and photographs but also attempted to propagate peaceful images of the city.
    “Some newspaper men came to the entrance of a concentration camp and distributed cakes and apples and handed out a few coins to the refugees. And a moving pictures was taken of this kind of act,” wrote another missionary, James McCallum, in his letter to his family on January 9, 1938.
    “At the same time a bunch of soldiers climbed over the back wall of the compound and raped a dozen or so of the women. There were no pictures taken out back.” [124]
    Sato Shinju, a photographer for Tokyo Nichi Nichi newspaper who stayed in Nanking until December 24, 1937, recalls a comparable occasion in the city. “The Army told us they were going to give some food and snacks to Chinese kids, and asked if we were interested in taking pictures of the scene,” says Sato. “They did not force us to go there, though. I assume they just wanted good publicity…. It was like an informal press conference.” [125]
    The Asahi newspaper carried a photograph that might be the scene Sato was asked to take pictures of on December 24, 1937. The photo was titled “Peace restored in Nanjing” and the further caption noted, “Soldiers of the Imperial Army are giving candies to the refugees.” [126]
    Other propaganda was aimed at the Chinese populace in Nanking. Upon entering the city, the Army distributed handbills that read, “Remain in your homes. Your neighbors from Japan want to restore peace.” [127]
    George A. Fitch of the YMCA wrote in his diary:
    While wholesale executions proceeded without interruption, Japanese army planes dropped leaflets from the air: “All good Chinese who return to their homes will be fed and clothed. Japan wants to be a good neighbor to those Chinese not fooled by monsters who are Chiang Kai-shek’s soldiers.” On the leaflet was a colored picture of a handsome Jap soldier, a Chinese child held Christ-like in his arms. At his feet a Chinese mother was bowing her thanks for bags of rice. [128]
    Discrediting the Missionaries
    {https://thenanjingmassacre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/postcard01.jpg?w=640} A Japanese military postcard. Soldiers playing with Chinese children.
    A Japanese military postcard. Soldiers playing with Chinese children.
    To deal with the widespread condemnations abroad, the Japanese government tried to gloss over the atrocities by blaming subversive activities of some Chinese and by discrediting the “exaggerated” accounts given by the missionaries that were starting to circulate in the United States.
    For instance, an American author named Frederick Vincent Williams, who was on the payroll of the Japanese propaganda organization, Jikyoku Iinkai, wrote a book called Behind the News in China in 1938 (to know more about Jikyoku Iinkai, see Appendix).
    Although he did not directly mention Nanking, Williams implied that the atrocity stories were misguidedly reported in the United States. The pro-Japanese book claimed “the Chiang Kai-shek people” primed the foreign missionaries with “wild tales of alleged Japanese atrocities” and had them write “harrowing letters.” [129]
    A Japanese newspaper, Osaka Mainichi, published such pamphlets as Common Sense and the China Emergency or The China Emergency in the English language that featured articles like “Japan’s Sole Aim – Peace of East Asia” or “Chinese Live in Japan Peacefully,” the tenor of which suggested Japan did not desire the “hideous war” and was by no means responsible for its provocation.
    A newspaper-style four-page magazine, Japanese American, carried headlines such as “Nippon Saving China from Reds Writes Williams,” “Atrocity Stories Exploded as Real Facts Are Shown,” and “U.S. Enjoys Favorable Balance in Trade with Japan; Not with China.” [130] A leaflet printed late 1937 or early 1938 included a headline that reads “False Atrocity Stories Again Flood America!!!” referring to alleged use of poisonous gas shells, and other inhumane attacks by the Japanese troops in Shanghai and Nanking. [131]
    {https://thenanjingmassacre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/poster1.jpg?w=640} A Japanese propaganda poster.
    A Japanese propaganda poster.
    The efforts to harm the reputation of the American Missionaries bore some fruits. A missionary in Japan, Arthur D. Berry, for instance, wrote to the Christian Advocate, “The stories of Japanese military forces deliberately destroying hospitals and schools in China, and deliberately slaughtering innocent Chinese people are slanderous lies.” [132]
    In America a letter from one subscriber to Reader’s Digest claimed, “It is unbelievable that credence could be given a thing which is so obviously rank propaganda and so reminiscent of the stuff fed the public during the late war.” According to the magazine, it received similar comments from a number of readers. [133]
    Reverend J. C. McKim apparently wrote a series of letters to the New York Times saying that it was not the Japanese but Chinese soldiers who were committing the atrocities.
    “You were misinformed as far as Nanking was concerned,” wrote back John Magee, an American missionary in the Nanking Safety Zone, in a personal letter to McKim. After describing case after case of mass executions and rapes by the Japanese soldiers, Magee continued:
    There was a small amount of looting of some shops by Chinese just before the Japanese entered. It is true that the homes of many people immediately outside the city walls were burnt down by the soldiers for defensive purposes, and this was certainly an outrage…. It is true that Chang Hsueh Liang’s troops, which showed up so miserably in the fighting, looted between here and Shanghai but there [they?] were executed by the hundreds. It is certainly unjust to have publicly accused the Chinese of such horrible things that happened here. [134]
    {https://thenanjingmassacre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/school.jpg?w=640} An elementary school in Nanking. Chinese children receiving pro-Japanese education. Photo used by P. R. Dept. of the China Expeditionary Force of Japan.
    An elementary school in Nanking. Chinese children receiving pro-Japanese education. Photo used by P. R. Dept. of the China Expeditionary Force of Japan.
    Indeed, the members of the International Committee were all aware of the fact that the Japanese government tried to question the credibility of their reports.
    On January 9 McCallum wrote, “Now the Japanese are trying to discredit our efforts in the Safety Zone. They threaten and intimidate poor Chinese into repudiating what we have said. Some of the Chinese are even ready to prove that the looting, raping and burning was done by the Chinese and not the Japanese.” [135]
    Wilson’s diary on January 31 read, “We are branded as a lot of liars. The Japanese Embassy people tell people that everything we say is imaginative. That might be a lot truer if I were not a surgeon and have to patch up the results of their excesses.” [136]
    In a letter to H. J. Timperley, a correspondent for the Manchester Guardian, Miner Searle Bates wrote on March 3, “There has been a steady stream of lying charges against the University in the Sin Shun Pao, the propagandist organ widely distributed in Shanghai and East China generally.”
    “I don’t think there’s any way that they [the missionaries] could bias their accounts because they were just telling the facts,” says the archivist of the Yale Divinity School, Martha Smalley.
    “They were not particularly fond of the Chinese government. They recognized a lot of corruption. So I don’t think they were proponents of the ‘Chinese view.’ I really don’t think the claim [to discredit the missionaries] has too much basis.” [137]
    Go back to: Table of Contents
    [References]
    Documents of the Rape of Nanking, 219.
    Shinichi Kusamori, “Fukyoka Shashin Ron: Houkoku no Shashin 2 [An Essay on Disapproved Photographs: Journalistic Photos on Japan 2],” in Mainichi Shinbun Hizou Fukyoka Shashin 2 [Stashed Photographs in Mainichi Newspaper: the Disapproved 2], (Tokyo: Mainichi Shinbun, 1999), 177-178.
    Takashi Yoshida, “A Battle Over History: The Nanjing Massacre in Japan,” in The Nanjing Massacre in History and Historiography, ed. Joshua A. Fogel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 73.
    Ikuhiko Hata, Nanking Jiken [The Nanjing Incident], 15-16.
    Ibid., 43.
    Interview by author, Fujisawa (Kanagawa Prefecture), Japan, 28 February 2000.
    Katsuichi Honda, Nankin he no Michi [The Road to Nanjing] (Tokyo: Asahi Bunko, 1989), 335.
    “The Sack of Nanking,” Readers’ Digest (July 1938): 29.
    Ibid., 31.
    Frederick Vincent Williams, Behind the News in China (New York: Nelson Hughes, 1938), 113-116.
    “In the Propaganda Arena (in Surveys; Professional Services),” Public Opinion Quarterly 2.3 (July 1938): 493-494.
    Bruno Lasker and Agnes Roman, Propaganda from China and Japan: A Case Study in Propaganda Analysis (American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1938), 80.
    “Missionaries Write Home,” letter from Arthur D. Berry, The Christian Advocate (6 January 1938): 7, quoted in Paul A. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese, and Diplomats (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1958), 263.
    “We Were In Nanking,” Readers’ Digest (October 1938): 41.
    American Missionary Eyewitnesses to the Nanking Massacre, 1937-1938, 63.
    American Missionary Eyewitnesses to the Nanking Massacre, 1937-1938, 43.
    Documents of the Rape of Nanking, 246.
    Martha L. Smalley, interview by author, New Haven, Connecticut, 25 January 2000.
    ©2000 Masato Kajimoto. All Rights Reserved.
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    7:19 pm

Wednesday, September 6

  1. page space.menu edited ... Nanking War Damage Perspectives of the Nanking Massacre ... a Myth! Bad Santa Primary S…
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    Nanking War Damage
    Perspectives of the Nanking Massacre
    ...
    a Myth! Bad Santa
    Primary Source Newspapers of Nanking
    The Significance of the Nanking Massacre
    (view changes)
    3:09 pm

Sunday, September 3

  1. page the Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D-Day to New Zealanders edited ... The timing of the invasion was critical. Tides had to be suitable for landing craft to beach s…
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    The timing of the invasion was critical. Tides had to be suitable for landing craft to beach safely, and the airborne troops needed a full moon. The day chosen, when the required conditions coincided, was 5 June. Bad weather forced Supreme Commander General Dwight D. Eisenhower to postpone the landing.
    Among the six meteorologists advising him was New Zealander Lawrence Hogben, who was serving with the Royal Navy. On the advice of the weather forecasters, Eisenhower eventually decided that the day of the invasion, D-Day, would be 6 June.
    {https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/imageserver/newspapers/?oid=AS19450917.2.70.1&color=32&ext=gif&area=1&width=650} Article image
    COLIN AND BABY GORDON, sons of Mre. C. W. McPhee, of the King Country, who arrived aboard the Akaroa to-day. Their father, a Scotsman and a member of the R.A.F., was killed in action on D day.AUCKLAND STAR, VOLUME LXXVI, ISSUE 220, 17 SEPTEMBER 1945

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  2. page the Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D-Day to New Zealanders edited Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D Day to New Zealanders This information about James Harg…
    Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D Day to New Zealanders
    This information about James Hargest comes from:
    https://www.teara.govt.nz/en/biographies/4h16/hargest-james

    At his own suggestion, Hargest was appointed New Zealand's observer with the Allied armies preparing to invade France. He was attached to the British 50th Division, which landed in Normandy on D-Day. Hargest spent a great deal of time near the front line and wrote perceptive reports on the campaign. Wounded in June, Hargest was killed by shell fire on 12 August 1944. He was survived by his wife and three children. One son had been killed in action earlier in the year. He is commemorated in James Hargest High School in Invercargill.
    James Hargest was a popular figure with a 'frank and friendly' manner whose death was regarded as a serious loss to the nation. He 'presented himself as a blunt, no-nonsense farmer' and had a farmer's love of the land. In combat Hargest usually displayed a cold assurance and as a soldier he valued steadiness and endurance above strategic flair. However, he lacked insight into his own strengths and weaknesses, and it seems this failing drove him to use his personal contacts to get command of a brigade in 1940 – a post for which he was unfit. Hargest's experiences in prison and during his escape seem to have given him more insight. Shortly before D-Day he wrote to his wife that when the war was over she would 'I hope find me a better husband than before. I seem to have learned so much and I truly have never been embittered by any experience. Life is still very wonderful to contemplate'.
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    5:55 pm
  3. page the Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D-Day to New Zealanders edited Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D Day to New Zealanders At his own suggestion, Hargest wa…
    Significance of Operation Bodyguard and D Day to New Zealanders
    At his own suggestion, Hargest was appointed New Zealand's observer with the Allied armies preparing to invade France. He was attached to the British 50th Division, which landed in Normandy on D-Day. Hargest spent a great deal of time near the front line and wrote perceptive reports on the campaign. Wounded in June, Hargest was killed by shell fire on 12 August 1944. He was survived by his wife and three children. One son had been killed in action earlier in the year. He is commemorated in James Hargest High School in Invercargill.
    James Hargest was a popular figure with a 'frank and friendly' manner whose death was regarded as a serious loss to the nation. He 'presented himself as a blunt, no-nonsense farmer' and had a farmer's love of the land. In combat Hargest usually displayed a cold assurance and as a soldier he valued steadiness and endurance above strategic flair. However, he lacked insight into his own strengths and weaknesses, and it seems this failing drove him to use his personal contacts to get command of a brigade in 1940 – a post for which he was unfit. Hargest's experiences in prison and during his escape seem to have given him more insight. Shortly before D-Day he wrote to his wife that when the war was over she would 'I hope find me a better husband than before. I seem to have learned so much and I truly have never been embittered by any experience. Life is still very wonderful to contemplate'.

    According to the Southland Times Jun 5th 2014
    according to reports, historians and the internet, no New Zealanders set foot on Normandy shores on D-Day.
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    5:53 pm

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